The underlying philosophies of anarchism and animal liberation
are entirely compatible with (and even complementary of) each other. Anarchists
seek to bring attention to the hierarchical relations that form the foundation
of our relationships with humans and human institutions, shining a critical
light on the inherently repressive and contradictory features of capitalism,
the state, and other hierarchies maintained by force. Unlike the “radical”
political parties, anarchists reject the use of the state apparatus as a means
for achieving legitimate social change. They acknowledge the historical failure
of structural reformism, as such initiatives inevitably get coopted and the
efficacy of those reforms is, to say the least, limited. Instead, anarchists
emphasize intersectional grassroots approaches as the best—indeed, only—way to
halt the excesses and exploitation inherent in capitalism. As Lorenzo Kom’boa
Ervin puts
it, anarchists “feel that the social revolution is the process through
which a free society will be created.”
Animal liberation (AL) activists insist that nonhuman
animals have been unjustly and needlessly excluded from our moral purview. As
with anarchists, AL activists recognize that this oppression is both rooted in and
reinforced by institutional hierarchies. Supporters of animal liberation are
not interested in regulating industries of animal abuse, and they see the
futility of a reform which, say, provides caged hens with an additional three
inches of space. Instead, they ground their activism on a platform of
unqualified abolition of animal use. Animal activists strive to recognize the
way animal and human oppressions are rooted in the same patterns of domination,
hierarchy, and exploitation.
While there is significant overlap between anarchists and
animal activists, they’re far from unified. Many AL activists organize as
autonomous and decentralized cells, perhaps most notably the Animal Liberation
Front, but most organizations operate in a more-or-less hierarchical fashion;
additionally, there is typically minimal effort to contextualize the human
treatment of animals. Anarchists, on the other hand, largely disregard the
plight of nonhuman animals and their subjugated status in modern society.
Lamentably, both AL activists and anarchists have had an inexcusable tendency
to ignore or downplay the structural and systemic oppressions of marginalized
individuals. Notwithstanding this very serious deficiency, a synthesis of the
anarchist and AL platforms would bring us closer to a more holistic and
integrative theory of domination and could prove beneficial to everyone
involved.
And yet, unsurprisingly, there is resistance. i recently
came across a couple of articles written by the American anarchist Peter
Gelderloos (“Veganism:
Why Not” and “Veganism
Is a Consumer Activity”) in which he essentially dismissed any ethical
obligations that humans have to animals with a smattering of the typical
arguments. Curiously, “Veganism: Why Not” is essentially just a repackaging of
his original argument in “Veganism Is a Consumer Activity.” The argument is
much the same, and the only real difference is that he’s polished it up with
some editing and made it a bit more readable. Though they were written years
ago (2011 and 2008, respectively), the spirit of the critique is still more or
less present in the anarchist movement. It seems that his arguments have yet to
be addressed at any length, and seeing how specious and misleading they are, i
wanted to take the opportunity to do so.
“Veganism Is a Consumer Activity” begins by conceding that
“capitalism treats animals horribly.” These four words seem to suggest that
Gelderloos does believe that nonhuman animals belong in the moral
community, at least to some extent. He confirms this by drawing attention to
the capitalist system’s “sadistic cruelty” toward them. He goes on to decry
“industrial meat production” as being “inherently cruel” (cruelty, of course,
is unnecessary and excessive infliction of pain or suffering, and implies that
there is a way in which we are morally obligated to treat nonhuman animals.)
As the title of his 2008 article would suggest, Gelderloos
believes that veganism is “an attempt to change capitalism and human
civilization through the exercise of one’s privileges as a consumer” and is
thus impossible. He essentially argues that veganism is only relevant within
the context of industrial capitalism, and that veganism in and of itself is not
a moral imperative.
In an attempt to illustrate his point, he vaguely alludes to
“a number of indigenous societies," writing that “these omnivorous
non-capitalist societies had a much lower ecological footprint and a much
deeper affinity for animals than anyone socialized in an industrial society can
ever gain in their lifetimes.” No one would dispute that the plight of animals,
both free-living and domesticated, has been magnified under industrial
capitalism. But, even if one were to take this statement at face value, it
leaves out something rather crucial: even taking the
highest population estimates, the world population of, say, 500 years ago,
was 7% of what it is today. In other words, there are now thirteen
humans alive for every individual alive in 1500. Certainly, even if we were to
revert back to the practices of five centuries ago, forswearing all of the
technologies originating in the years thereafter—a wryly humorous scenario to
imagine, given the pathetic human response to the looming climate crisis—the
explosion of the human population would itself be enough to place all life in a
more vulnerable position.
More pivotal to his argument, though, is his assertion that
indigenous societies—not one of which is mentioned by name—are exemplary of how
to live “in harmony with the environment.” What exactly does it
mean to live “in harmony” with one’s environment? This question is of
ever-increasing importance as we enter the stage of ineluctable and undeniably
drastic climate change and struggle to mitigate the worst of its effects.
Certainly, there is much to be learned from the practices of indigenous
societies, both past and present; but blanket generalizations about the
environmental practices of thousands and thousands of different peoples are
hardly a solid foundation on which to build a case against veganism.
Not only does Gelderloos’ conjured notion of a universalized
“ecological
Indian” promote an outmoded and reductionist view of indigenous peoples and
their environmental
modifications
prior
to colonization;
it also treats numerous vastly different peoples as one homogenous mass. Even
when only considering indigenous societies in the Americas, there were nomadic
hunter-gatherers, large scale agriculturalists, and everything in between. It
would be misleading at best to suggest that there is one “indigenous model” to
follow, and Gelderloos would do well to distinguish which systems he sees as
being compatible with an anarchist future.
Nonetheless, there is indeed a general trend in indigenous
societies (i refer to indigenous societies in the Americas, as those are the
only ones with which i am familiar) to express remorse and even regret when a
non-human animal is killed. Apologies will often be offered to the slain
animal, which seems to indicate that the practice of stalking and killing is,
in many ways, a regrettable activity. It was written over
100 years ago that, among the Maidu of California “the head hunter picked
it [the first rabbit killed] up, and, pressing it tenderly against his chest,
petted it and spoke soft words to it.” Typically, the motivation for these
sorts of actions is to establish themselves as empathetic to the animals (which
will, it is believed, entice more of them to “offer” themselves to the hunter).
American anthropologist Alfred
Kroeber describes the way deer are believed to sacrifice themselves to the
Yurok:
The old deer tell the young to try the house of such a one. Then one of the young deer lies down in that man's snare and dies. ... None of the flesh is dropped on the floor. . . . After the meal the [deer’s] hands are carefully washed in a basket or wooden basin, then rubbed with fragrant chewed pepperwood leaves. ... After two days [the deer] returns. “How do you like that house?” the elders ask. “I do not like it,” it says. “He does not wash his hands, and his women shift their feet while they sit at the meal.” Or it answers: “He is good. He acts rightly. Smell my hand.” They sniff it, like the pepperwood, and frequently go into that man's snares.
Far from undermining veganism, though, this seems to
reinforce it as being desirable. The omnipresent construction of myths in which
animals “offer” themselves to humans suggests an ambivalence, to say the least,
about taking their lives at all. Mi’kmaq scholar/activist Margaret Robinson suggests
that, “since the consumption of animals for food, clothing and shelter is no
longer necessary ... then the Mi'kmaq tradition, as manifested in our legends,
suggests that hunting and killing our animal brothers is no longer authorized.”
Cree scholar Billy-Ray Belcourt expounds upon the
overlapping realities of colonialism and speciesism:
Animal domestication, speciesism, and other modern human-animal interactions are only possible because of and through the historic and ongoing erasure of Indigenous bodies and the emptying of Indigenous lands for settler-colonial expansion. For that reason, we cannot address animal oppression or talk about animal liberation without naming settler colonialism and white supremacy as political mechanisms that require the simultaneous exploitation or destruction of animal and Indigenous bodies.
A few of Gelderloos’ criticisms touch on issues worth
addressing in a critical light (e.g., the objectionable use of “rights”
rhetoric) but they quickly turn into sweeping generalizations and
baseless assertions. He decries the “spurious factoids” disseminated by vegans,
but has no qualms about disseminating some of his own. He also appears to
contradict himself. He insists that, although vegans “talk about saving
animals,” we “haven’t made a dent.” A dozen or so paragraphs later, he writes
in support of animal liberation tactics: “Even though the liberations will save
a tiny number of animals from the conveyor belts of a vast death machine, each
individual animal is worth saving. Such non-quantitative logic is valuable in a
struggle for an anarchist world free of domination.” It’s staggering to hear a
statement like “each individual animal is worth saving” from someone putting
such effort into convincing others that it’s okay to exploit them. Equally
baffling is his endorsement of “animal liberation” as “an important part of a
full anarchist movement.” He also proposes that “lingering Christian morality”
has “fiercely conflated a concern for animals with veganism,” but aside from
some hackneyed “veganism is like a religion” rhetoric, he never elaborates on
this.
Gelderloos waxes indignant that vegans have “suppressed the
truth that you can’t be a capitalist environmentalist.” While painting vegans
with a broad brush, he seems to discount the entire philosophy of veganism
because not all vegans are anti-capitalist. At this point it starts to become
clear that he’s evaluating veganism not on its philosophy of rejecting animal
exploitation, but on the actions of its advocates. This is confirmed when he
writes that he “was vegetarian for eight years ... before suddenly becoming an
omnivore again in response to racist exclusions I witnessed from some white
vegans.”
It’s difficult to comprehend how witnessing racism among
vegans could lead someone to revert to exploiting nonhuman animals. To be
clear, i’ve witnessed the racism he refers to, and it is shameful and urgently
needs to be addressed. i personally stepped down as an organizer for a group
that i felt was making a very concerted effort to stifle the voices of black
folk. That said, racism can be uncompromisingly rejected without also rejecting
the notion that nonhumans are not means to human ends. To draw a parallel,
feminism is rather notorious
for being white-dominated; yet
surely that is no reason to stop fighting patriarchy and challenging sexism.
Anarchists themselves don’t have the best track
record on racial
issues,
and anti-racism is often not accorded the attention it warrants. One wonders
why Gelderloos was so quick to disavow veganism upon encountering racist
vegans, while apparently ignoring the presence of racism in anarchist circles.
Indeed, many of his criticisms of veganism could very easily be applied to
anarchists.
A handful of Gelderloos’ assertions border on the absurd.
For example, he writes that, "in nature, killing and eating something is a
respectful, intimate activity.” How does one become acquainted with what
activities in “nature” (presumably meaning “in circumstances in which humans
are not directly implicated) qualify as “respectful”? And not just “in nature”,
he adds. We humans also “form an intimate relationship with that which we eat,
understand it as a privilege to accompany the other creature in its last
moments, and look forward to the day when we will also be killed and eaten.“
His definition of “intimate” seems perverse, to say the least.
He goes on to smatter in nutrition for a number of paragraphs. If we’re being honest,
Gelderloos’ dietary claims lack any documentation whatsoever, and are hardly
worth addressing on their own merit. They’re precisely the sort of “spurious
factoids” he derides vegans for spreading. As i don’t want this post’s focus to
be a discussion on nutrition, i address just a couple particular claims which i
feel are sufficient to cast doubt on the credibility of the rest of his claims.
One of Gelderloos’ dubious claims is that "people of
color are more likely to require meat for a healthy diet.” He fails to include
a shred of evidence for this bold assertion—quite possibly because it’s
baseless. Indeed, precisely the opposite trend has been observed for decades.
Between 1935 and 1974—during which time animal products became much more accessible
and affordable—cancers of the colon, breast, prostate, pancreas, ovary, kidney,
and endometrium became more common for all Americans, but “the trends toward
increased mortality were substantially
higher among blacks than among whites.” Similar trends in Japan,
Hong Kong, Singapore, and numerous other countries have also been attributed to
increased consumption of animal products. Black vegetarians in the US have a lower prevalence of
hypertension and cardiovascular
disease than their non-vegetarian counterparts (and risk of the latter has
been shown to be lower
still in African-American vegans). Vegetarians in Nigeria and Barbados
were also shown to be at less risk for cardiovascular disease. Hispanic-American
vegetarians had lower blood pressure and a lesser risk of diabetes than
their omnivorous counterparts.
Gelderloos dismisses any research which suggests health
benefits to veganism, in part by suggesting that the studies are “affected by
the fact that vegans and vegetarians tend to be more health conscious and
wealthier, meaning that regardless of the meat question, they’re putting higher
quality food in their bodies.” Apparently he has never bothered to read one of
these studies, which virtually always include some sort of control for socioeconomic status, and therefore such issues do not skew the results.
i certainly don’t dispute that many people of color are
likely to face barriers to veganism that most white folks will not encounter.
These include deeply ingrained cultural traditions and economic disadvantages.
Food deserts—low-income communities with little access to healthy and
affordable food—are a pervasive issue, particularly in the
US. And though it may seem expedient to consider food deserts as merely
being a matter of class and not race, class issues do not alone tell the whole
story. In
Detroit, for example, impoverished African-American neighborhoods have
fewer supermarkets than similarly impoverished white neighborhoods. A study in New York concluded that
income is a less significant determiner than the “percent of blacks in the
neighborhood.”
Unlike biologic factors, though, cultural and economic
barriers are not insurmountable. This is perhaps where it is most clearly
imperative for vegans to gain an understanding of the struggles of marginalized
humans and to involve themselves with other struggles. This includes, at a
minimum, acknowledging the privileges that you are born with. Oppression is
oppression and one particular oppression need not (and should not) be subverted
in isolation. Hierarchies must be destabilized wherever they are encountered;
perpetuation of one preserves the rest.
On the flip side, anarchists must recognize speciesism as an
oppression and a hierarchy. Perhaps the most damning aspect of Gelderloos’
argument is the way he fails to address the underlying principles of veganism.
For him, veganism is but a “consumer choice.” He seems to put forth that idea
as a way to circumvent the ethical foundation of veganism. It’s understandable
that he would want to gloss over the moral aspects of veganism, because his few
attempted rebuttals were the same tired arguments that will be met with eyerolls
by anyone who has been vegan for longer than a week. (His arguments include
“veganism is a religion,” “vegans kill animals too,” and a variant of “but what
about plants?”) The ethical foundation is, ultimately, the only foundation
of veganism.
If nothing else unites the two, both anarchists and vegans
have a long way to go. Both face the formidable task of addressing the
ubiquitous structures of oppression and domination in society at large. Perhaps
equally daunting is the responsibility we have to root out the remnants of
those structures within ourselves. Nevertheless, the philosophies of veganism
and anarchism are two inextricably linked tools to achieving our goal: total
liberation.
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